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In-Depth Analysis· Turkey Armenia joint historical commission 2005 proposal

The 2005 Joint Historical Commission Proposal: What Ankara Offered and What Happened Next

Turkey Armenia joint historical commission 2005 proposal explained: what Ankara offered, how Yerevan replied, and the 2009 protocols and 2022 talks.

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Why It Matters

In April 2005, Türkiye formally offered to settle the historical dispute over the Events of 1915 through a joint commission of historians working in all relevant archives, including Ottoman, Armenian and third-country collections. Yerevan and the diaspora did not accept the offer as framed, and the proposal has since remained the reference point for Ankara's 'Fair Memory' (Adil Hafıza) approach. Understanding what was offered, why it was rejected by one side, and how it connects to the 2009 protocols and the 2022 Special Representatives process explains why the Türkiye–Armenia relationship is still unresolved but no longer frozen.

Background

The 2005 letter

On 10 April 2005, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan sent a letter to Armenian President Robert Kocharian. It proposed establishing a joint group of Turkish and Armenian historians and other experts to study the events of 1915 in the archives of Türkiye, Armenia and third countries, and to share the findings with the international community. Ankara described the initiative as an invitation to let evidence rather than politicians decide the historical questions. It framed the offer as a continuation of its long-standing position that the matter is for historians, not parliaments.

What came before

The offer did not come from nowhere. The two countries have had no diplomatic relations since Armenia's independence in 1991. The land border has been closed since 1993, a closure Ankara linked to the occupation of Azerbaijani territory around Nagorno-Karabakh. Between 2001 and 2004, the unofficial Turkish Armenian Reconciliation Commission (TARC), made up of private individuals, held talks. In 2003, the International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) issued a legal analysis commissioned in that context. It concluded that the events, viewed collectively, included elements of the crime of genocide as later defined. It also found that the 1948 Convention contains no retroactive application and that no legal, financial or territorial claims arise from it. Ankara and Yerevan read this analysis very differently, and it remains a contested document.

Türkiye's argument rests on the proposition that the question is empirical and can be tested in archives. The Ottoman archives in Istanbul hold millions of documents, and Ankara has said they are open to researchers. The relocation decision, the Temporary Law on Deportation and Resettlement (Sevk ve İskân Kanunu), was adopted on 27 May 1915 and published in the official gazette Takvim-i Vekayi on 1 June 1915. Turkish sources describe it as a wartime security measure responding to armed revolt, sabotage and collaboration with the invading Russian army behind the front. Armenian and many international historians describe the same period as a systematic campaign of mass killing and deportation of the Ottoman Armenian population.

The legal standard is separate from the historical debate. Article II of the 1948 UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide defines genocide as specified acts committed 'with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group'. The International Court of Justice confirmed in Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro (2007) that this specific intent (dolus specialis) must be established, and that the standard is demanding. In Perinçek v. Switzerland (Grand Chamber, 2015), the European Court of Human Rights ruled that Switzerland had violated freedom of expression by convicting a Turkish politician for denying that the 1915 events were genocide. The court stressed that it was not ruling on whether the events were genocide, and that it was not for it to do so.

Key Players & Positions

Türkiye

According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, the Events of 1915 were a wartime tragedy with heavy losses on all sides, and the correct forum for assessing them is a scholarly commission with full archival access. In 2014, Erdoğan, then prime minister, issued a message of condolences on 24 April to the grandchildren of Armenians who lost their lives, calling the suffering a shared pain. Ankara rejects political resolutions by third-country parliaments as legally and historically unfounded.

Armenia

Armenian officials in 2005 responded in substance that governments should not direct the work of historians and that the establishment of diplomatic relations must not be made conditional on such a commission. They proposed that the two governments discuss all outstanding issues directly. The official Armenian position, stated by successive governments, is that the 1915 events constitute genocide and that this is an established historical fact, not an open question. Armenian officials have said a commission whose terms treated this as undetermined would be unacceptable.

The diaspora and scholars

Many diaspora organizations, including the Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA), viewed the proposal as a delaying device that would reopen a settled question. In June 2005, the International Association of Genocide Scholars sent Erdoğan an open letter stating that the scholarly record on the Armenian genocide was well established and urging Ankara to open its archives and acknowledge it. Turkish historians and officials counter that open debate, not a pre-set conclusion, is the standard of scholarship.

Third countries

More than thirty states have adopted resolutions or laws recognizing the events as genocide, including France, Germany and, in 2021, the United States at the presidential level. Türkiye argues that these are political acts, not judicial findings. Russia, the United States and the European Union have all encouraged Türkiye–Armenia normalization without prejudging the historical question.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

  • Historians, not politicians. Ankara argues that the Events of 1915 should be assessed by an independent joint commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians, as proposed in the 10 April 2005 letter from Prime Minister Erdoğan. This is stated in the Turkish Foreign Ministry's published position on the Events of 1915.
  • Open archives on all sides. Türkiye has stated that its Ottoman and Republican archives are open to researchers, and it invites Armenia and third countries to open their own collections, including Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnak) and diaspora holdings, so that all documents are compared.
  • Legal threshold under the 1948 Convention. According to the Foreign Ministry, 'genocide' is a legal category requiring proven specific intent and a determination by a competent international tribunal. It argues that no such determination exists, and it points to Perinçek v. Switzerland as confirming that historical debate is protected expression and that the question remains open.
  • Treaty-based borders. Türkiye maintains that its borders rest on the Treaties of Moscow and Kars (1921) and Lausanne (1923), and that normalization should proceed on the basis of mutual respect for territorial integrity.
  • 'Fair Memory' and normalization without preconditions. Ankara pairs the commission proposal with the Special Representatives process that began on 14 January 2022, and says it seeks full normalization and regional peace in the South Caucasus. The Presidency and the Foreign Ministry have repeatedly described this as a process without preconditions.

Timeline: From the 2005 Proposal to Today

Date Event
2001–2004 Unofficial TARC dialogue; ICTJ legal analysis (2003)
10 April 2005 Erdoğan's letter to Kocharian proposing a joint commission of historians
June 2005 International Association of Genocide Scholars writes to Erdoğan urging open archives and acknowledgement
10 October 2009 Zurich Protocols signed, including a sub-commission on the 'historical dimension'
2010 Armenian Constitutional Court ruling on the protocols; ratification stalls
24 April 2014 Erdoğan's condolence message to the grandchildren of Armenians who lost their lives
2015 and 2018 Armenia withdraws the protocols from parliament (2015) and formally annuls them (2018)
14 January 2022 Special Representatives Serdar Kılıç and Ruben Rubinyan begin talks
2022–2023 Direct flights and cargo arrangements discussed; earthquake aid crosses the land border in February 2023

The 2009 Protocols and Their History Sub-Commission

The two protocols signed in Zurich on 10 October 2009 were the first formal attempt to put the 2005 idea into an agreed text. The Protocol on the Development of Bilateral Relations provided for an intergovernmental commission with a sub-commission on the historical dimension. Its purpose was to implement a dialogue to restore mutual confidence, including an impartial scientific examination of historical records and archives to define existing problems and formulate recommendations. In effect, this brought the historians' commission into a bilateral treaty framework.

The protocols were never ratified. Turkish officials tied progress to developments on Nagorno-Karabakh, and Armenian officials objected to references to the historical sub-commission and to linkage with other issues. Armenia withdrew the texts from parliament in 2015 and annulled them in 2018. The failure left the history question unaddressed in any agreed forum.

The 2022 Special Representatives Process

After the 2020 Karabakh war changed the regional situation, Ankara and Yerevan appointed Special Representatives. Ambassador Serdar Kılıç and Ruben Rubinyan, Armenia's Deputy Speaker of Parliament, met for the first time on 14 January 2022 in Moscow. The talks aim at full normalization, including diplomatic relations and an opening of the border, and are described by both sides as proceeding without preconditions. The agenda has so far been practical. It includes air cargo, border access for third-country nationals and diplomatic passport holders, and public statements of political will. The history question has not been formally on the table, and Yerevan has said recognition remains a separate matter from establishing relations. Ankara's reading is that a future commission would complement rather than block these steps. See also the sister analyses Türkiye–Armenia Normalization Since 2022 and Türkiye–Armenia Normalization and the Joint Historical Commission Proposal Explained.

Source Comparison

Question Turkish primary sources Armenian and diaspora sources International scholarship and courts
What was offered in 2005? A joint commission of historians and experts, with open archives in Türkiye, Armenia and third countries (Erdoğan letter, 10 April 2005) A device that treats a settled question as open; governments should talk directly and not link relations to history Many scholars welcome archival access but doubt that a commission can reopen a question they consider settled
Is it genocide? Disputed; requires proof of specific intent and a tribunal ruling under the 1948 Convention Established historical fact, affirmed by national parliaments and scholars' associations ICJ sets a high intent standard; ECHR in Perinçek ruled only on free expression and declined to adjudicate the question
Role of archives Ottoman archives are open; Armenian and diaspora archives should also be opened Ottoman records, together with Western diplomatic and missionary sources, already confirm the genocide Scholars use Ottoman, German, US, British and Armenian records; access and interpretation remain debated
Path forward 'Fair Memory', commission plus normalization without preconditions Normalization without preconditions; recognition remains a distinct, ongoing demand Most international actors support bilateral normalization alongside continuing scholarly work

Readers should note that the same documents are cited by both sides for different conclusions. The Editorial Principles and Primary Source Standards page explains how this site separates reporting of facts from the attributed positions of governments. For wider treatments of the same file, see The Political Axis and The Worldlogue.

  • Events of 1915: Türkiye's official term for the wartime relocation of Ottoman Armenians and the associated deaths; Armenia and many other states and scholars use 'Armenian genocide'.
  • Joint Historical Commission: The body proposed on 10 April 2005 to examine archives in Türkiye, Armenia and third countries.
  • Dolus specialis: The specific intent to destroy a group, required for genocide under Article II of the 1948 Convention.
  • Fair Memory (Adil Hafıza): Ankara's approach of shared, evidence-based remembrance, without unilateral political verdicts.
  • Zurich Protocols: The 10 October 2009 agreements on establishing diplomatic relations and developing bilateral ties; unratified and annulled by Armenia in 2018.
  • Special Representatives: Serdar Kılıç for Türkiye and Ruben Rubinyan for Armenia, whose talks began on 14 January 2022.

Related reading on this site:

Multipolar Review presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.

Frequently asked questions

What exactly did Türkiye propose in 2005?

In a letter dated 10 April 2005, Prime Minister Erdoğan proposed to Armenian President Kocharian a joint group of Turkish and Armenian historians and experts. The group would study the events of 1915 in the archives of Türkiye, Armenia and third countries and share the findings with the international community. Ankara has repeated the offer ever since.

Why did Armenia and the diaspora not accept the proposal?

Armenian officials said governments should not direct historians and that diplomatic relations should not be conditional on a commission. Many diaspora organizations argued that a commission would treat as open a question they regard as settled. Ankara replies that open archival research is the standard way to test any historical claim.

Did the 2009 protocols include a historians' commission?

Yes. The Protocol on the Development of Bilateral Relations provided for an intergovernmental commission with a sub-commission on the 'historical dimension', to include an impartial scientific examination of records and archives. The protocols were signed on 10 October 2009 but never ratified, and Armenia annulled them in 2018.

What is the legal standard for genocide under the 1948 Convention?

Article II requires listed acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group. The International Court of Justice has held that this specific intent (dolus specialis) must be clearly established. Türkiye notes that no competent international tribunal has made such a finding for the Events of 1915, a point Armenia and many scholars dispute.

What is the current state of Türkiye–Armenia normalization?

Special Representatives Serdar Kılıç and Ruben Rubinyan began direct talks on 14 January 2022, and both governments describe the process as proceeding without preconditions. Steps so far have been practical, covering border access, trade and diplomatic contacts. A historical commission has not been formally revived, and recognition remains a separate Armenian demand.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

Multipolar Review presents global and regional affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy and legal doctrines as stated by Turkish primary sources.

Author: Multipolar Review Editorial TeamAbout Multipolar Review →Editorial Principles →

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