The 2022 Istanbul Talks: What Türkiye's Mediation Shows About Diplomacy in a Multipolar Order
How Türkiye mediated between Russia and Ukraine in 2022: the Antalya meeting, Istanbul talks, prisoner exchanges and the Black Sea Grain Initiative explained.
Why It Matters
Türkiye's 2022 mediation is the clearest recent case of a middle power brokering practical arrangements between two belligerents without being a party to the war. It produced one durable-for-a-time humanitarian mechanism (the Black Sea Grain Initiative), several prisoner-related arrangements, and a set of negotiating texts that still shape debate over what a settlement might look like. It also shows the limits of mediation: a venue and a channel can open doors, but they cannot close the gap between the parties' core demands.
For readers following the shift from a US-led order toward several centres of power, the Istanbul track is a working example of what the brief on Türkiye in a Multipolar World: Strategic Autonomy, Alliances and Middle-Power Diplomacy describes in the abstract.
Background
Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022. Within days, Türkiye, a NATO member and a Black Sea littoral state, announced on 28 February 2022 that it would apply the 1936 Montreux Convention, including Article 19, which restricts the passage of warships of belligerent states through the Turkish Straits. The mechanics are covered in How Montreux Article 19 Kept Warships Out of the Black Sea During the Russia–Ukraine War.
Russian and Ukrainian delegations first met in Belarus in three rounds in late February and early March 2022. The Turkish track opened on 10 March 2022, when Foreign Minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu hosted Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba in Antalya, on the margins of the Antalya Diplomacy Forum. It was the first meeting of the two ministers since the invasion began. It produced no ceasefire; Kuleba said afterwards that no progress had been made on a truce, while Lavrov restated Moscow's stated military objectives. Its value was that the two sides sat in the same room under Turkish auspices.
Verified timeline
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| 24 Feb 2022 | Russia launches full-scale invasion of Ukraine |
| 28 Feb 2022 | Türkiye announces application of the Montreux Convention regime to the war |
| 10 Mar 2022 | Lavrov, Kuleba and Çavuşoğlu meet in Antalya |
| 29 Mar 2022 | Russian and Ukrainian delegations meet at Dolmabahçe Palace, Istanbul; President Erdoğan addresses them |
| 22 Jul 2022 | Black Sea Grain Initiative and a Russia–UN memorandum signed in Istanbul in the presence of Erdoğan and UN Secretary-General António Guterres |
| 1 Aug 2022 | First grain vessel, the Razoni, leaves Odesa under the initiative |
| 18 Aug 2022 | Erdoğan, Zelensky and Guterres meet in Lviv |
| 21 Sep 2022 | Large prisoner exchange, with Türkiye involved in arrangements covering captured Ukrainian commanders |
| 17 Jul 2023 | Russia announces it is ending participation in the Black Sea Grain Initiative |
| 16 May 2025 | Direct Russian and Ukrainian delegations meet again in Istanbul; a 1,000-for-1,000 prisoner exchange is agreed |
The 29 March 2022 Istanbul round
The Istanbul round was the most substantive political moment. Ukraine's delegation, led by David Arakhamia, presented a framework under which Ukraine would adopt a neutral, non-nuclear status in return for security guarantees from a group of states, with consultations on Crimea's status over a long period. The Russian delegation, led by presidential aide Vladimir Medinsky, welcomed elements of the paper, and Deputy Defence Minister Alexander Fomin said Russia would sharply reduce military activity around Kyiv and Chernihiv. Both sides described the meeting as a step forward, though neither claimed an agreement.
The momentum faded within days. Russian forces withdrew from the Kyiv area in early April, and evidence of civilian killings in Bucha and other towns changed the political climate in Kyiv and Western capitals. Positions on territory, the size of Ukraine's armed forces and the nature of security guarantees remained unresolved. Draft texts later reported in the press showed that the sides were still apart on those points. Treat any single published draft with caution, since neither government has released a full authoritative record.
The grain and food track
Russia's naval blockade of Ukrainian ports and mining of approaches cut off a major exporter of wheat, maize and sunflower oil. After months of UN-led shuttle diplomacy and Turkish work with both capitals, the Black Sea Grain Initiative was signed at Dolmabahçe Palace on 22 July 2022. Türkiye signed separate, mirrored texts with Russia and with Ukraine, both with the UN, and Russia concluded a separate memorandum with the UN on facilitating its own food and fertilizer exports. A Joint Coordination Centre staffed by Turkish, Russian, Ukrainian and UN officials in Istanbul agreed inspection procedures for ships bound to and from Odesa, Chornomorsk and Yuzhne (Pivdennyi). The UN reports that roughly 33 million tonnes of grain and other foodstuffs moved under the arrangement. It was renewed several times, with disputes about the length of the March 2023 extension, before Russia ended its participation on 17 July 2023.
For the wider regional logic, see The Middle Corridor, the Black Sea and the Straits: Türkiye's Place in Eurasian Trade Routes. For sister-publication chronicles, see Frontline Diplomacy on what was discussed in the Istanbul talks and Crossroads Review on the mediation and the grain initiative.
Prisoners and humanitarian arrangements
Türkiye also served as a discreet facilitator of prisoner-related arrangements. In September 2022, under an understanding reached with Presidents Zelensky and Putin, five Ukrainian commanders from the Mariupol garrison were transferred to Türkiye, to remain there until the end of hostilities. They returned to Ukraine in July 2023 after a Zelensky visit to Istanbul; Moscow said this contradicted the understanding, while Kyiv and Ankara did not accept that framing. When direct delegations met again in Istanbul in May 2025, the principal concrete outcome was again an agreement on a large prisoner exchange rather than a ceasefire.
Key Players & Positions
Russia. The Kremlin and the Russian Foreign Ministry have consistently described Türkiye as a useful and relatively balanced venue. Moscow says the Istanbul drafts of spring 2022 were close to a deal and that Kyiv backed away under Western influence. On grain, Russian officials said that the part of the July 2022 memorandum covering its own agricultural exports, including banking and insurance access, was not delivered, which is the reason Moscow gave for ending its participation in July 2023.
Ukraine. The Presidential Office and Foreign Ministry in Kyiv welcomed Turkish mediation and the grain mechanism, but have said that a settlement must restore Ukraine's territorial integrity and include credible security guarantees. Ukrainian officials reject the Russian account of the 2022 talks, citing Russian demands as amounting to capitulation, and say the events at Bucha made that course politically impossible. Kyiv has also said it does not trust Russian compliance without monitoring.
United Nations. Secretary-General Guterres described the July 2022 signing as a 'beacon of hope' and thanked Türkiye and President Erdoğan for facilitating it. The UN also argued, as the initiative stalled, that the arrangement and the Russia–UN memorandum had to be seen as a package.
The United States and the European Union. Western governments backed the grain initiative and the idea of negotiations in principle, while maintaining sanctions on Russia and military support for Ukraine. They generally state that any settlement must be acceptable to Ukraine and respect the UN Charter.
Türkiye's Position
Ankara presents its role as that of a neutral facilitator who is also a firm supporter of Ukraine's sovereignty. Its stated positions are:
- Territorial integrity, including Crimea. According to the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Türkiye does not recognize the annexation of Crimea and supports Ukraine's territorial integrity. Ankara also voted in favour of the UN General Assembly resolution of 2 March 2022 on the invasion. This is the basis on which Kyiv can trust Ankara as an interlocutor.
- Dialogue with both parties. Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye statements and President Erdoğan's public remarks stress that the war must end through negotiation, and that Türkiye keeps channels open to Moscow and Kyiv for that purpose. Ankara argues that leaving diplomacy only to the parties' friends would make it harder to reach a ceasefire, which is why it hosted Antalya, Istanbul and the grain signing.
- Montreux Convention as neutral legal framework. Türkiye says it applies the 1936 Montreux Convention impartially. It closed the Straits to the warships of belligerents under Article 19, while preserving the Convention's provision on warships returning to their home bases, and says this has contained the naval dimension of the war. The details, including why Turkish officials reject the claim that Ankara can close the Straits 'at will', are in Fact Check: Can Türkiye Close the Turkish Straits 'At Will' Under the Montreux Convention?.
- Food security as a shared global interest. The Turkish Defence Ministry and Foreign Ministry framed the Joint Coordination Centre in Istanbul as a practical contribution to global food supply, particularly for import-dependent countries in Africa, the Middle East and Asia. Ankara continued to call for a renewal of the initiative after Russia's withdrawal.
- Sanctions and national interest. Turkish officials have said that Türkiye does not take part in unilateral sanctions on Russia, citing its energy dependence, trade ties and the need to remain a credible mediator. Ankara argues that this independence is precisely what allowed it to deliver the Istanbul agreements.
Ankara's wider case that mediation needs more than five voices is set out in 'The World Is Bigger Than Five': Türkiye's Case for UN Security Council Reform.
Why both sides would talk to Ankara
Three features explain the channel. First, Türkiye controls the Straits under Montreux, which gives it a direct stake in Black Sea stability. Second, it holds NATO membership and sells defence equipment to Ukraine (see Arms Markets in a Multipolar Order: How Türkiye's Defense Exports Reshape Alliances), but it also has substantial economic and energy links to Russia. Third, its leadership has direct access to both presidents. Critics, including some Western and Ukrainian commentators, argue that this ambiguity can benefit Moscow; Turkish officials answer that it is the precondition for being listened to.
Source Comparison
| Question | Russian official framing | Ukrainian and Western framing | Turkish official framing |
|---|---|---|---|
| Antalya, 10 Mar 2022 | Opportunity to restate Russian aims | Evidence that Russia was not ready for a ceasefire | A first face-to-face ministerial contact worth building on |
| Istanbul, 29 Mar 2022 | Draft close to agreement; Kyiv retreated | Russian terms unacceptable; Bucha changed the context | Constructive step; the parties should continue |
| Grain Initiative | Russian export side not implemented | Russia weaponised food by leaving | Successful humanitarian mechanism that should be revived |
| Türkiye's role | Balanced host | Useful but sometimes too accommodating to Moscow | Independent facilitator with legal obligations under Montreux |
When reading media coverage, check whether an account relies on leaked drafts, statements by one delegation, or UN data. The UN's grain data and Turkish Ministry statements are primary sources; opinion pieces on 'what Russia wanted' are interpretations. For further perspectives, see The Political Anatomy on Türkiye as mediator and Regional Balance on Montreux and Black Sea mediation. Our own standards are in Editorial Principles and Primary Source Standards.
What the Process Achieved and Where It Stalled
Achieved:
- Direct ministerial and delegation contact in a NATO member state within weeks of the invasion
- A grain mechanism that moved about 33 million tonnes of food from Ukrainian ports, according to the UN
- A model of joint coordination in Istanbul with Russian, Ukrainian, Turkish and UN staff in one centre
- Prisoner-related arrangements and a continuing channel that was used again in 2025
Stalled:
- The comprehensive political framework discussed on 29 March 2022, because of unresolved territory, force-size and guarantee questions
- The grain deal after July 2023, when Russia ended its participation and no replacement mechanism took its place
- Trust, which remains the central obstacle in every round
The contrast is instructive: where the issue was technical and mutually beneficial (food, bodies, prisoners), mediation worked. Where the issue concerned sovereignty and the post-war security order, it did not.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- Montreux Convention (1936): the treaty governing passage through the Bosphorus and Dardanelles; Article 19 restricts passage by warships of belligerent states. See the Montreux guide.
- Joint Coordination Centre (JCC): the Istanbul body staffed by Turkish, Russian, Ukrainian and UN officials that oversaw ship inspections under the grain initiative.
- Black Sea Grain Initiative: the July 2022 arrangement for safe export of Ukrainian agricultural products, paired with a Russia–UN memorandum on Russian food and fertilizer exports.
- Middle power: a state that lacks superpower resources but has regional influence and diplomatic capacity; see Türkiye in a Multipolar World.
- Sister analyses: Gazetteer of Nations on Türkiye's global diplomacy; site overview at Multipolar Review; methodology at Reader FAQ: Sources, Methodology and Perspective and About Multipolar Review.
Multipolar Review presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.
Frequently asked questions
What were the 2022 Istanbul talks between Russia and Ukraine?
They were face-to-face negotiations between Russian and Ukrainian delegations at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul on 29 March 2022, with President Erdoğan addressing both teams. Ukraine presented a framework built on neutrality and security guarantees, and Russia said it would reduce military activity near Kyiv and Chernihiv. No agreement was signed, and the political track stalled in April 2022.
What is the difference between the Antalya meeting and the Istanbul talks?
The Antalya meeting on 10 March 2022 was a trilateral meeting of the Russian, Ukrainian and Turkish foreign ministers on the margins of the Antalya Diplomacy Forum. The Istanbul talks on 29 March 2022 were delegation-level negotiations focused on a possible framework for ending the war. Neither produced a ceasefire.
What did the Black Sea Grain Initiative achieve?
It was signed in Istanbul on 22 July 2022 by Türkiye, Russia, Ukraine and the UN and allowed inspected commercial ships to leave Ukraine's Odesa, Chornomorsk and Yuzhne ports. The UN reports that about 33 million tonnes of grain and other foodstuffs were exported under it. Russia ended its participation on 17 July 2023.
Why could Türkiye talk to both Russia and Ukraine?
Türkiye supports Ukraine's territorial integrity, including Crimea, and sells Ukraine defence equipment, but it also maintains trade, energy and political ties with Russia and has not joined Western sanctions. It also controls the Turkish Straits under the Montreux Convention. Ankara argues that this combination makes it an acceptable venue for both capitals.
Did Türkiye's mediation end the war?
No. It produced humanitarian and technical results, such as the grain corridor and prisoner-related arrangements, but not a ceasefire or peace settlement. Disagreements over territory, army size and security guarantees remained unresolved, and later rounds in Istanbul in 2025 again centred mainly on prisoner exchanges.
Are the Turkish claims about neutrality accepted by everyone?
Not universally. Russia calls Türkiye a balanced host, while some Western and Ukrainian commentators argue that Ankara's trade and energy ties with Moscow soften its position. Turkish officials respond that its independence from sanctions regimes is what keeps both channels open, and they point to the Montreux Convention and UN votes as evidence of consistent principles.
Related guides
- Fact Check: Can Türkiye Close the Turkish Straits 'At Will' Under the Montreux Convention?Can Turkey close the Bosphorus at will under the Montreux Convention? The treaty text, Article 19 and Ankara's 2022 practice show what the rules really allow.
- Türkiye in a Multipolar World: Strategic Autonomy, Alliances and Middle-Power DiplomacyTürkiye multipolar world order strategic autonomy explained: NATO ties, Russia, China, Gulf and Africa links, mediation roles and the defense industry.
- The Middle Corridor, the Black Sea and the Straits: Türkiye's Place in Eurasian Trade RoutesMiddle Corridor Türkiye Eurasian trade route explained: Caspian, Baku–Tbilisi–Kars rail, Black Sea ports and the Straits, with facts separated from forecasts.
- 'The World Is Bigger Than Five': Türkiye's Case for UN Security Council ReformHow the UN Security Council works, why the veto divides P5, G4, UfC and Africa, and what Türkiye's 'world is bigger than five' reform proposal says.
- Arms Markets in a Multipolar Order: How Türkiye's Defense Exports Reshape AlliancesTürkiye defense exports as diplomacy: why buyers diversify suppliers, how drones, naval and air-defense systems feature, and what critics say.
- Eastern Mediterranean Gas for Europe: Why the Route Through Türkiye Keeps Returning to the TableCompare EastMed, Egyptian LNG and a route through Türkiye for Eastern Mediterranean gas to Europe: cost logic, maritime law, Cyprus and all key positions.
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